⌚ Pros And Cons Of Sex Offender Recidivism

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Pros And Cons Of Sex Offender Recidivism



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What Makes You A Sex Offender?

My family isn't religious so I've never been brought up with the 'sex before marriage is wrong' stance. Also made me less inhibited, more likely to approach strangers, and horny, so when I used to do cocaine, I was likely to cheat on my girlfriend. During sex and masturbation I'm fine, it's only after ejaculation I feel horrible inside, even to the point where after I ejaculated with the person I was having sex with I made up and excuse to leave because of how I felt.

Probably because I haven't made promises to anybody that I would take illegal drugs. You may feel your dog or cat is very sad and wished you didn't end their life. The "crash" is the intense exhaustion that people sometimes feel after using drugs, particularly those that are stimulating, such as cocaine, meth, and even high doses of caffeine. Imo coke becomes dangerous only after you start using it regularly. It's a warning signal to stop and think, "Am I going to do something that pleases God?

I noticed as a new mom I found myself constantly feeling guilty over mistakes made in parenting. After masturbating i have a really guilty feeling and this leads to me not being interested sexually in girls untill i next do it. Feeling Guilty? They hurt people they care about, say things they later regret, do things that hurt themselves and others — often things that are criminal. Women, in particular, feel incredibly guilty for tending to their needs. You shouldn't beat yourself up for giving yourself a day or two to do what you want. My husband died two years ago. If I could do it, so could they, and so can you. Either that I hadn't done enough or that I'd upset people when I hadn't meant to or even that I "should" have done something differently.

Maybe you're grocery shopping in After sessions where we had dealt with hard stuff, I'd come outside feeling sick, dizzy and disoriented. Imagine that happening every day. First of all, I budget for all non-essentials. Dilemma: I feel guilty for feeling happy. But then, later, I'd feel relieved Withdrawal symptoms: After someone has used a lot of cocaine, if they use less or stop using it cold turkey, they may experience signs of withdrawal. It involves helping the body recover not only from the toxicity and effects of the drugs, but also from any overexertion, lack of sleep, injuries, or other harms All the time.

One can of Coke has more added sugars than the American Heart Association's recommended daily limit 39 grams a can, versus the recommended 36 grams for men and 25 grams for women. I wish it was different. We feel ashamed and embarrassed and guilty, either that we married the wrong person, or that we couldn't keep our family together, or that we stayed too long or that we just weren't enough, and hundreds of others things we feel guilty about. If you feel guilty about something specific, you could make a deal with yourself to do something about it. And sad. According to the National Institute on Drug Abuse, 40 to 60 percent of people who go through addiction treatment programs go on to slip at least once. I didn't feel guilty because I didn't do that run.

You are not merely the sum of your worst failures. Its almost like i'm some one else while i masturbate say if im on the phone to a girl whilst doing it, then finish and 'become my self again' I feel terrible for ringing that girl, but can not help myself. And there are two ways of dealing with feelings of guilt. Keep in mind that someone could do just one or two of these signs randomly. And so you should—soda is sugar water, plain and simple. Understanding feeling guilty. When high, cocaine users have an increased level of self-confidence.

I feel guilty for not trying harder so that I can provide for my family and for my parents if and when they need me. If you enjoy masturbation and tend to feel guilty afterward, try to think of something pleasant instead. My mother passed away suddenly in 20 Guilt after eating leads to more uncomfortable feelings. This tells us that when we let go of the guilt, we help ourselves move on from the past and exert more willpower in later decisions. In this sense, we should welcome guilt. I have erased her smile. But after a night of fun filled with weed and tab of LSD, I sat in my friend's bathroom for 30 minutes crying, questioning why I used drugs. The most obvious reason to feel guilty is that you actually did something wrong. Like Ghetto Chem, I'd feel guilty about spending so much on it.

Guilt is an emotion that relates to a person's sense of right and wrong. Be aware that not every emotion, and certainly not every guilty feeling, is a rational one that has a purpose. This can be damaging if left unchecked. Curiosity finally got the better of me. Crack, I soon discovered had one big difference for me from coke. It literally changes the way you think so that you always want more coke, and you don't even know why cuz its not fun anymore, but you know you definetly Every time after I drink its like i have a crash and feel like kinda embarrassed even if i didnt do anything embarrassing i just feel so guilty and apologise to people and stuff.

When I am happy or having a peaceful moment I will feel guilty that so many labor and people have to work for like 12 hours they do not have free time for themselves to enjoy and I feel guilty and I have moments to relax and enjoy. Feeling guilt is a sign of just how much you cared about your pet. Oh, I could devour a pack of cigarettes after a line. Tim Allen is opening up about his past. Instead of feeling guilty, you can learn from your mistakes, forgive yourself, and move on. In summary, feeling guilty about something often involves: Focusing on past actions or deedsI feel guilty for putting my dog to sleep.

Give yourself permission! A lot of times just the thought that a food is "bad" or "unhealthy" will cause those guilty feelings to seep in. I feel like I've let my parents down and feel like I'm a bum. Guilt is a personal experience, meaning that what may make you feel guilty may not bother someone else in the slightest. I'm a Diet Coke fiend, and at the end of I was drinking a can most days. Just having a wild weekend, living the life, you're only young once. In regards to feeling guilty after sex. I was there. Why do you feel guilty? Alcoholism describes a destructive cycle in which when drinking you behave in a harmful way towards yourself and potentially others.

Self Confidence. See number 3. Holding a door open incorrectly. Well, for me when I do cocaine, ecstasy, whatever, I don't feel guilty the next day. If you think you might have alcohol intolerance, you can weigh the pros and cons This feeling of guilt that washes over you after having one or more pieces of chocolate cake, scoops of ice cream or handfuls of chips, and that can stick around even after you're no longer dieting and counting calories. If you're a people pleaser or if you've grown up with critical parents or in a legalistic church, you probably know what I'm talking about. Gloucester Crown Court heard the man, 33, and his extended fami… So there is a difference between a person feeling guilty about their actions and feeling regretful about what they did.

Also in Scotland, Weaver and Armstrong compared experiences of those serving short-term prison sentences with those serving community disposals. The study found that short prison sentences were seen by some as meaningless [] , putting people's lives on hold but not helping them overcome their problems. Most of the negative experiences of prison were its unintended consequences in losing employment, housing or contact with family.

In contrast to short-term prison sentences, community punishments were more often seen as positive and constructive [] , allowing offenders to get help for their immediate problems such as drug and alcohol use. Such support services were often unavailable for those on short prison sentences. As part of the Criminal Justice and Licensing Act , Scotland implemented a presumption against short prison sentences of three months or less. This is in accordance with the findings of a number of research studies which have compared the reoffending rates of those serving community sentences against those serving short prison sentences.

An evaluation of the implementation of presumption against short sentences, as well as the use of Community Payback Orders and Criminal Justice Social Work Reports which were also implemented as part of the Criminal Justice and Licensing Act , is currently being undertaken for the Scottish Government. The results of the evaluation will be published upon completion. There is limited cost-benefit analysis evidence comparing community-based sanctions with prison. However, they also found that that there was no statistically significant difference in savings to society between community service and prison, or between community supervision with a cognitive behavioural element and prison.

However these results should be interpreted with caution as they were based on a small number of studies. Despite the increasing numbers of women given community sentences in the UK and in other jurisdictions in recent years, there has been little research into whether they reduce women's reoffending rates or into women's experiences of these disposals. Women are proportionately more likely than men to be placed on a probation order; however the risk of breach for those with more chaotic lifestyles means that the intervention may ultimately result in a custodial sentence.

In Scotland, while women are more likely to complete probation and community service orders than men, where breach proceedings are pursued, women are slightly more likely than men to have their orders breached as a result of non-compliance, while men's orders are more likely than women's to be revoked as a result of a further offence []. It has been argued on theoretical grounds that this higher risk of breach for women may have negative consequences for the process of desistance and disrupt interventions in the community designed to help women stop offending [] , although this has not been tested empirically.

Interviews with women on probation in Scotland indicate that they are often dealing with a wide range of social, financial and emotional issues which they raise with workers to seek help with dealing with them. This finding raises important questions about whether community disposals should take these contributory factors into account in the design and provision of community penalties []. The study concluded that community disposals can provide opportunities to access practical and emotional help but that they are not being used to their full potential.

If community disposals were designed to provide more structured help to women, this would clearly have consequences for workers involved in supervising and supporting women - in terms of skills, focus of interventions, criteria for measuring 'success' and time as a resource []. Evidence is limited, but those serving suspended sentences may also have reduced reoffending when compared to those serving short-term prison sentences.

In a review of international evidence on suspended sentences, Armstrong et al. However, Armstrong et al. Remand can prevent some individuals from reoffending in the short-term through incapacitation; however it can also be associated with negative effects that may hinder longer-term desistance. Remand prevents reoffending in the short term through incapacitation effects. However, alongside this incapacitation effect, international and Scottish research has consistently documented the negative effects associated with remand including an increased risk of suicide and mental distress, disintegration of social supports and family ties, and disruption to employment that increase the likelihood of reoffending upon release [].

More research is required into the impact of bail supervision on reoffending. A Scottish qualitative study found that supervised bail can provide prosocial modelling and help with practical problems if the relationship between bailee and supervisor is positive []. For some people, supervised bail was seen as helping to change their behaviour in the long term and helped to support family relationships, in contrast with remand and curfews which were seen to damage family relationships []. However, it is possible that for some people experiencing bail supervision may be stigmatising, demonstrating that experiences of supervised bail are not uniform. Of the bail orders studied, three-quarters were successfully completed that is, the bail order did not end because of breach or remand.

However, the small number of cases involved in the study mean it is difficult to generalize from these results. Research has not demonstrated the effectiveness of swift sentencing in reducing reoffending. As far as we are aware, there are extremely few studies that have tested the effects of celerity or swiftness of punishment on reoffending. Although there is some recent evidence of weaker quality that increasing the celerity of punishment may contribute to reductions in high-risk driving behaviours [] , its effect on other types of crime is under-investigated, making the drawing of any useful conclusions impossible.

In relation to young people , there is some argument that a swift response not necessarily a punitive one is important as it relates the response to the behaviour []. This section presents the findings of research into early-release measures and the assessment of their impacts upon reoffending. The early-release measures covered in this review are electronic monitoring and parole supervision. Offenders released under electronic monitoring are no more likely to engage in criminal behaviour when released from prison compared to those who are not eligible for early release.

However there is considerable variability in the experiences of electronic monitoring []. There is clear evidence from both Scotland and England that only a small proportion of offenders released on Home Detention Curfew HDC reoffend whilst on curfew. An evaluation of HDC by the Ministry of Justice found that offenders who receive HDC under the current provision are no more likely to engage in criminal behaviour when released from prison, when compared to offenders with similar characteristics, who are not eligible for HDC [].

Previous research into HDC suggests that it can have variable effects, reduce both positive and negative peer association, as well as making it more difficult to find employment []. There is some positive international evidence on the effectiveness of electronic monitoring, however its generalizability to Scotland is questionable. However, these findings may stem from idiosyncratic use of pre-trial electronic monitoring in the Argentine justice system, and so these results have questionable validity to inform as to the use of post-release tagging in Scotland [].

Electronic monitoring was also recently evaluated in Sweden using a quasi-experimental design. The evaluation found that offenders who participated in an early release programme that included electronic monitoring in the home, a job placement and a treatment programme were less likely to be reconvicted in the 3-year period following completion of their prison sentence compared to the control group []. However, it was not possible to ascertain to what extent this positive effect on reoffending was a result of the electronic monitoring in the home or of the other elements included in the programme. Qualitative research suggests that electronic monitoring can be associated with a complex set of emotions, from gratitude about avoiding prison to psychological stress at the constraints tagging places on the capacity to live a normal life [].

A qualitative study in Scotland interviewed 20 former gang members about their experiences of police enforced curfews and electronic monitoring. The participants' experiences were mixed; some found that electronic monitoring can help to cut off ties to antisocial situations, people and places, but in some cases curfews led to increase strain on family relationships and to coping with this strain via alcohol and drugs []. The majority of offenders released on parole successfully complete their licence period but evidence on the impact of parole on reoffending is mixed, and there is a lack of evidence about its longer-term effects.

A recent study in England and Wales found that people released from prison on license had a one-year reoffending rate between 14 and 17 percentage points lower than those not on license. The two year reoffending rate was lower by 16 to 20 percentage points. However, after three years, although reoffending rates remained lower for those who had been released on license, the results were not statistically significant []. However, other researchers suggest that parole supervision may lead to increased reconviction due to higher rates of detection for those under supervision [] , and higher rates of violation for minor infringements [].

In a study of parole violation in California, Grattet et al. It should be noted that, given the importance of the US system of supervision to the findings of this study it is uncertain to what extent the findings can be generalized to supervision arrangements in Scotland. Few studies covered in this review examined the long-term effects of parole. In an American study Osterman found that there was little difference in reoffending between those who received parole supervision for a short time and those who did not receive supervision at all, whilst those under parole supervision for the duration of their study were less likely to reoffend than those who did not receive parole supervision [].

As a result, Osterman concludes that parole supervision had little long-term effect on reoffending, and attributes these findings to the 'reactive' type of supervision present in the area of the study. This suggests that these findings may not easily generalize to Scotland. This section outlines the findings of research into diversion from regular criminal justice system processing and its observed impact on subsequent reoffending for young and adult offenders. In this section the term "diversion" refers to alternatives to court disposals including diversion to social work, direct measures, and other forms of diversion. Diverting young people away from the criminal justice system can be effective in reducing their reoffending and can have positive long-term impacts in people's lives.

The authors argue that the most significant factor in reducing offending is minimal formal intervention and maximum diversion to programming that does not have the trappings of criminal processing []. This finding has been echoed by a number of other studies. A recent systematic review of 29 studies found that young people with a prior criminal record who were diverted from the criminal justice system to social work were less likely to reoffend compared to those who went to court. Diversion to social work produced bigger reductions in reoffending compared to simple release that was not combined with some form of intervention []. Another meta-analysis also found that, on average, diversion by either intervention or caution was more effective in reducing reoffending than 'traditional justice system processing' such as probation or imprisonment [].

Taking all studies together, support is found for the idea that the more processing a person receives the more criminogenic the effect. However, it is possible that this finding only holds for 'low-risk' youth who had lower levels of reoffending when diverted before being charged, rather than being diverted after being charged. Furthermore, the studies included in the review are predominantly from the United States, and the authors identify Scotland as a youth justice system with quite different characteristics.

This means that the generalizability of these findings to Scotland is questionable. In England and Wales, positive effects on reoffending have also been reported in the process evaluation of Triage []. Triage diverts young people who have offended for the first time under police custody to support services provided by a youth worker and, where appropriate, restorative justice informed interventions. However, a further report was unable to evaluate whether Triage had led to reduced reoffending among its participants due to a lack of available data [].

Throughout the literature, there is the recurring concept that both 'needs' as well as 'deeds' are important to understanding youth offending and desistance from it. As Fraser et al. The literature argues that there are strong and consistent links between needs and deeds within the youth justice context; links which provide strong support for the Kilbrandon ethos underpinning the Children's Hearings System. Up to age 17 years and 6 months Sheriffs can request the advice and disposal of a case at the Children's Hearing System.

It is argued that increasing the number of under 18s diverted to this childcare system, where their offence and criminogenic needs can be addressed together, reduces the risk of them reoffending and entering into the adult system. These findings demonstrate the negative effects of labelling by the justice system are long lasting, and the authors therefore recommend non-intervention wherever possible. This longevity of the effects of diversion from the justice system are also shown in the findings of a study in Rochester, New York, which found contact with the police in adolescence was associated with a number of negative outcomes later in life [].

These include increased probability of arrest and involvement in crime in the early 20s, greater likelihood of dropping out of high school, and increased involvement in crime and drug use. There is less evidence on the effectiveness of diversion in reducing reoffending among adults, though some UK studies are currently underway. To the best of our knowledge, there is no systematic review of the effectiveness of diversion among adult offenders. There is some international evidence that diversion to drug or mental health treatment can reduce reoffending among offenders that experience such problems [] , although other researchers have suggested that the evidence for diversion schemes to mental health services is limited [].

In Scotland, an evaluation of diversion to social work schemes found that the majority of accused had completed their period on diversion successfully and the majority of the objectives set were recorded as having been fully or mostly achieved by the time diversion ended. In England and Wales, positive results have been reported in the process evaluation of the Intensive Alternatives to Custody IAC diversion programme that offers an intensive community order as an alternative to short-term custody. Initial results suggest that whilst the IAC group had lower levels of reoffending than those who served short court order, this result was not statistically significant [].

Similarly, no significant difference was observed between the IAC group and a matched group serving other court orders. However, this result may be due to the numbers of offenders who have been through the diversion programme and further analysis of IAC will be undertaken with subsequent cohorts as data becomes available. Diversion has also traditionally been used with female offenders, and some researchers recommend on theoretical grounds early interventions and diversion to social work for women who offend, due to the nature of many women's offending [].

In England and Wales, women can be diverted to community-based centres that aim to provide support to tackle underlying causes of offending. An evaluation of six Women's Community Services found that feedback from service users has been positive, but identified no impact on reoffending due to data collection and monitoring issues []. This section examines evidence on the effects of a number rehabilitative programmes on reoffending. Included in this section are summaries of research regarding:.

Interventions are more effective when they are based on a sound assessment of risk, need and responsivity. A significant body of research emphasises the centrality of risk, needs and responsivity RNR assessment to effective interventions and improved outcomes in reduced reoffending []. The risk principle states that the level of intervention should be matched to risk of reoffending, with higher risk offenders receiving more treatment. The need principle asserts that only factors directly associated with reoffending should be targeted in interventions and that crime-prevention may be overlooked if too much focus is paid to other social needs [].

Finally, the responsivity principle recommends that intervention programmes should be matched to characteristics of the offender. RNR principles are based on general personality and cognitive social learning theory []. The RNR model describes the "central eight" domains which predict reoffending and outline the areas which treatment should target []. Whilst the central eight are not an exhaustive list of all possible combinations of risk and need, they are considered the "best established" [] risk and need factors to predict reoffending.

These eight domains are split into two groups of four based on their association with reoffending; a "big four", which are most predictive of reoffending, and a "modest four", which are less predictive of recidivism. The big four comprise: a history of criminal behaviour; antisocial personality pattern; antisocial attitudes, values, beliefs and cognitive-emotional states; and antisocial associates. Substance abuse is strongly predictive for women, and so the authors suggest that there may be a "big five" for women who offend []. Assessment of these factors is used to identify those most suited for greater supervision and treatment, as well as the factors that intervention programmes should target [].

These are based on 'dynamic risk factors'; that is those which can be changed. Those which cannot be changed are known as 'static risk factors'. In the "central eight", for example, a history of offending is a static risk factor which cannot be changed by an intervention, whereas substance abuse is a dynamic factor. In addition, the Multi Agency Public Protection Arrangements in Scotland and England provide an opportunity to test the impact of the collaborative approach to risk practice.

There is increasing interest in incorporating strengths and protective factors in assessment, and instruments that support the structured assessment of risk with attention to protective factors are emerging []. Developers of risk assessment instruments also highlight the need for greater measurement of non-offending identity []. The development, application and rigorous testing of such instruments will allow for greater understanding of the relative contribution of strengths and protective factors to risk assessment.

A number of studies have found that RNR assessment tools have greater predictive validity in demonstration projects than when used in practice. However, the authors also state that "there may be some loss in the true predictive validity of a risk assessment scale as it transverses national, and hence legal, boundaries" []. As such, more research is needed about implementation and use of risk-assessment tools in practice []. In addition, some researchers have suggested that there can be a tension in practice between responsivity that is, tailoring interventions to individuals' needs and delivering the programme as dictated by the programme manual [].

This may explain the reduced effectiveness of programme roll-out when compared to demonstration programmes []. Furthermore, when investigating the use of risk-assessment tools in practice, qualitative research in Ireland and Northern Ireland found that practitioners often resisted using risk assessment tools in favour of clinical judgement []. The LSI tools originated from a sample that was predominantly male. This is not to suggest that there are not gender differences: there is a generally reported higher prevalence of victimisation, poverty, low self-esteem and low self-efficacy women offenders than males; Van Voorhis et al. Andrews et al. Taking the findings of several studies overall, they showed little gender difference in the predictors of recidivism suggesting that, in sum, the factors are likely behave in a gender-neutral manner.

However, there is increasing consensus that regardless of whether gender-specific concerns are predictive of recidivism, are criminogenic needs, or are indicators of gender-specific pathways into offending, they are responsivity issues that must be addressed in the delivery of services to enhance effectiveness []. There has also been increasing research interest in examining the use of risk assessment tools for people from different ethnic groups. Research into the validity of risk assessment measures with aboriginal populations in Australia, New Zealand and Canada found that on the whole risk assessment tools validly classified Aboriginal offenders. However, these tools displayed less accuracy in some domains [] , differences in the magnitude of the predictive effects of the central eight between aboriginal and non-aboriginal offenders [] , and potentially under-classified low-scoring aboriginal offenders.

Based on the risk principle, this may possibly reduce access to needed treatment. The few evaluations which have been conducted on studies which incorporate items specifically for different cultural groups, show some effectiveness in reducing reoffending, however many of these studies have methodological limitations []. Furthermore, given that much the research into offenders from different ethnic or cultural groups comes from Canada, Australia, New Zealand or America, it has - until recently - been uncertain to what extent these findings can be generalised to Scotland.

This finds that it is generally performing well in Scotland, and these findings apply irrespective of gender; the author contrasts this to the findings of Olver et al [] , that application of the LSI instruments outside Canada showed poorer predictive validity. Research findings are tentative, but social conditions may alter the effectiveness of RNR tools in predicting reoffending. In recent years a number of studies have investigated the impact of social context features of where people live on the ability of risk assessment tools to predict reoffending. Onifade et al. Put another way, risk assessment tools were accurate for people in some neighbourhoods but not others.

As a result they suggest that only using individual-level assessment of risk does not give a full picture of the risk of reoffending. However, more research is required to investigate these effects before firm conclusions are drawn as the research findings at present are equivocal. For example, Wang et al. One explanation for these divergent findings is that social scientists are currently less able to accurately measure and model social factors which are thought to affect reoffending [] than they can measure individual factors.

Indeed, each of the studies cited above suggests that their findings may be due to the way in which they have measured social influences on offending []. The advantage of assessing dynamic factors or criminogenic needs is that it adds to the currency and relevance of the assessment. It is therefore important to remember that, just as dynamic elements associated with reoffending may change for an individual, so may her or his likelihood of re-offending - and so an assessment made at one point may not be valid if that person's circumstances change considerably see, for example, section on Social ties above.

Great care must be taken in applying a risk assessment approach to young people who offend. Fraser et al. One of the dangers of looking at risk factors for offending is the potential to pre-emptively stigmatise young people based on assumptions about what they might do in the future, not what they have done, and may lead to "net-widening" of services. In addition, whilst many risk factors have been identified, less is known about how to robustly establish which risk factors are causes and which are merely correlations. Cognitive-behavioural programmes can lead to modest reductions in reoffending especially when they are rigorously implemented and combined with support in solving practical problems.

Antisocial attitudes are among the strongest predictors of reoffending []. There is good evidence from experiments conducted in the United States that cognitive-behavioural programmes that aim to change offenders' thinking styles and attitudes can result in modest reductions in reoffending when rigorously implemented []. Evidence from the UK is more mixed, with some studies reporting modest reductions in reconviction rates and frequency of reoffending among programme participants e. A recent evidence review by the Ministry of Justice suggests that CBT can reduce reoffending by between eight [] to ten [] percentage points, and between six [] and eight percentage points [] in custody settings.

Cognitive behavioural programmes are often part of treatment based on the RNR principles outlined above. Differences in results of American and UK studies may reflect variations in the quality and rigour of programme implementation rather than genuine differences in effectiveness. Programmes may work better in the US simply because they are implemented better, though differences in the characteristics of programme participants may also account for some of the variation in outcomes. Research into the factors affecting outcomes of CBT programmes includes the quality of implementation [] and organizational factors of the agency implementing the intervention [] such as job satisfaction, training and supervision [].

In a recent study Wright et al. The authors acknowledge that this association could be explained through reference to decreased access to resources and networks which would support desistance. However, from their own study, they conclude that the association may be due to the lower quality of programme implementation in disadvantaged areas. Their argument is based on a regression analysis which demonstrates that the correlation between markers of disadvantage and reoffending in their own sample is not statistically significant, once programme quality indicated by the Correctional Programme Assessment Inventory CPAI is controlled for.

They theorise that a lack of resources in disadvantaged areas may limit the ability of programme organisers to run effectively in these locations. In either case, these findings are especially important because many offenders return to areas of high socio-economic deprivation upon leaving prison []. Process evaluations of cognitive-behavioural programmes delivered in England and Wales have reported a range of problems and shortfalls in implementation including high attrition rates, long waiting lists, lack of booster work prior to release and ineffective targeting []. High attrition rates can substantially alter the observed effects of intervention evaluations [].

In Scotland, no outcome evaluations of accredited programmes have been conducted as yet but process evaluations have highlighted similar problems to those in England []. A recent UK review of the quality of offender supervision highlighted that accredited programmes cannot operate effectively in isolation, without addressing the broader context in which offending takes place and the multiplicity of offenders' needs []. Significantly fewer women than men are assessed as having considerable attitude problems requiring intervention. Although prevalence rates are low, there is preliminary evidence to suggest that the evaluation of anti-social attitudes is an important factor for assessment of risk for women [].

For example, results of prediction studies on US samples show statistically significant relationships between particular anti-social attitudes and recidivism in female offenders []. However, in addressing anti-social attitudes, there is disagreement in the literature as to whether cognitive-behavioural approaches are as effective for women as they are for men. Some feminist theorists criticise CBT for not adopting a holistic approach. Research from Australia has shown that female offenders were more likely to rate strength-based, holistic programmes which were collaborative and understood women's perspectives as having helped them to reduce their offending, although the authors raise some possible concerns about the sampling and outcome measures used [].

Other criticisms include that CBT programmes ignore contextual factors such as partners, family and friends, ignore the 'woman's voice' in relying on quantitative data, do not focus on strengths and do not recognise women's pathway into crime []. These criticisms are essentially theory-driven and there is little robust evidence on how effective cognitive-behavioural programmes are on women's offending behaviour. There is, however, general agreement that positive outcomes for women may be enhanced if responsivity factors such as rewarding strengths including prosocial thinking and ensuring empathic staff attitudes are incorporated into CBT programmes.

While some US evaluations have found positive results for women, in the UK, there is a paucity of reliable evidence on effectiveness of CBT programmes for women. One of the only UK evaluations to consider the impact of CBT on female prisoners was undertaken in but found no significant differences in the one- and two-year reconviction rates for male or female participants on the Enhanced Thinking Skills ETS Programme []. The ETS's replacement, the Thinking Skills Programme TSP was introduced in and designed with the specific purpose of incorporating more gender-specific elements into cognitive skills programmes.

Through interviews with women on the programme it identifies areas for improvement such as the use of mixed gender groups and relating the programme more explicitly to relationships outside prison. An evaluation of TSP is yet to be undertaken using reconvictions data, however an evaluation using psychometric tests found that those who completed TSP showed improvements in attitudes and thinking styles compared to those who had completed ETS []. CBT interventions have been found to be the most effective interventions in reducing reoffending in young people [].

However, a Scottish qualitative study into the use of CBT with young people in secure facilities suggests that CBT may misconceive the nature of youth offending []. Rather than being based on improper cognition, the interviews suggested that offending was associated with peer pressure, substance abuse, and boredom. In addition, the interventions delivered in secure settings were not considered by the young people interviewed to have much relevance to their lives outside of the secure facility []. Limited work appears to have been undertaken on the value for money of CBT programmes. Matrix Knowledge Group [] found some evidence that prison with behavioural treatment represents value for money compared to 'standard' prison.

Interventions and risk-assessment tools for specific types of offending have had limited success. Limited research has been conducted in predicting and reducing certain types of reoffending, including domestic violence, sexual offending and knife crime. Whilst RNR tools can predict general recidivism for sex offenders, more research is required in predicting sexual recidivism []. A number of unique tools have been developed to assess sexual recidivism but there has been significant debate about their use, however, due to potential misclassification of individuals to risk groups [] , and uncertainty as to how risk groups should be interpreted and used in practice [].

A number of evaluation studies have been undertaken which, taken together, show mixed results as to which type of assessment is most effective, with some evidence that both actuarial and structured clinical assessment tools can help in assessing risk []. Evidence is mixed, but there is some evidence that those who receive treatment have lower rates of sexual reconviction []. CBT is typically [] , but not universally [] , found to be the most effective intervention for reducing sexual recidivism. Programmes for sexual offenders should be matched to the risk level of the participants, and using inappropriate participants can skew findings as to programme efficacy. Research findings suggest that low and high risk offenders should be kept separate during treatment [] and researchers have suggested that female sexual offenders are qualitatively different from male sexual offenders and so should not be involved in group treatment with male sexual offenders [].

There are presently no validated risk assessment techniques for female sexual offenders, and so researchers assert that clinical judgement must be used []. Risk assessment methods validated with women who offend can be used to assess general risk of reoffending among female sexual offenders, but not risk of sexual reoffending []. There are two main types of existing treatment for people who commit domestic abuse []. The first is based on CBT, built on the belief that domestic abuse is based on 'cognitive distortions' and inability to appropriately process feelings. The second is the Duluth model, designed around feminist psychoeducation, which aims to re-educate violent men on their beliefs about domestic abuse and women, as well as providing anger and stress management and relationship skills training.

The Duluth model emphasises that domestic abuse is used by men as a tool to control women. However, both types of interventions have only shown small capacity to reduce domestic abuse, and further research and development of programmes is required []. An evaluation of the Caledonian System, which an integrated approach to address men's domestic abuse in Scotland, will be commissioned by the Scottish Government in and will report in due course. A review of research literature on effective interventions and practices to deal with perpetrators of violence against women includes stalking and rape in addition to domestic abuse [].

It found that the effectiveness of Intervention Orders IOs - commonly used to try curtail stalking - is not yet fully established. Regarding rape, it reported that the effectiveness of Sexual Offender Treatment Programmes SOTPs can be difficult to determine for rape offenders as not all sexual offenders are offered treatment, relatively few rapists complete treatment programmes, and even fewer programmes are designed specifically for rapists. Holistic interventions that address multiple criminogenic needs are more likely to be effective in reducing reoffending.

The evidence suggests that offenders often experience multiple problems, many of which are considered "criminogenic" in the sense that they contribute directly towards offending. In , a report by the Social Exclusion Unit [] found that:. Data from 10, assessments of offenders' needs in England and Wales using the Offender Assessment System OASys show that over half of offenders had needs related to education, employment and thinking styles. Additionally, just over half of offenders in custody were assessed as having a need related to their lifestyle and associates. Overall, offenders in custody were found to have a greater number of needs. A recent study of reoffending amongst those in England and Wales on Community Orders found offenders often had multiple, complex needs, and the rate of reoffending increased with the number of criminogenic needs.

The following factors were independently associated with the likelihood of reoffending: having previous criminal offending as shown by the OGRS score , committing an acquisitive rather than violent offence, having a drug misuse need in the early months of a Community Order, having an unstable accommodation need, having a pro-criminal attitude, and elements of their supervision see below. These findings are congruent with desistance studies in which offenders report they value practical support more than any other type of intervention [] even though they are not necessarily accustomed to actively seeking help from outside agencies to solve their problems []. This suggests offender managers might need to adopt a more proactive approach to solving offenders' practical needs while, at the same time, trying to enhance their problem-solving skills and empower them to search out suitable help when needed.

A holistic approach to addressing offenders' needs further means that ongoing support should be available as required. For example, there is strong evidence that provision of practical support in prison is unlikely to have a lasting impact on the risk of reoffending unless it continues upon release []. Aftercare should, therefore, form part of a comprehensive intervention package. It is also important that the services provided are appropriately sequenced: for example, employment, while critical in the longer term, is often not a realistic short-term goal until other issues and needs have been addressed. Qualitative research in England has stressed the importance of practical factors in some women's offending, especially by those who have high levels of need [].

McDermott contends that a strict focus on cognitive processes can obscure the importance of these multiple needs, including structural factors such as unemployment. The report also recommends that holistic services have self-referral or drop-in facilities, rather than those that can only be accessed through court order []. It has also been suggested that single-sex services should be made available to women who offend []. In Scotland, the centre in Glasgow offered an innovative, women-only holistic service designed to divert vulnerable women away from custody. An evaluation of was published in but could not provide clear evidence on whether residence at the centre reduced reoffending. However, the evaluation suggested that the effectiveness of a holistic programme like is often difficult to measure in quantifiable terms which may miss the benefits of service such as in long-term crime prevention [].

The evaluation also revealed that there are numerous perceived benefits associated with the range and level of services provided at which are not offered over the course of short-term custodial sentences. Although the quantifiable effects of the programme on reoffending could not be demonstrated, the feedback on from service users was almost universally positive. There is some evidence to suggest that the sequencing of interventions in holistic approaches is important. For example, a study in the US found that even women offenders who have experienced victimisation said they found services that offered 'long term tangible support' as more 'helpful' than therapeutic or support services - the most helpful service being welfare benefits [].

This accords with results from several studies which conclude that while victimisation experiences possibly play a role in the onset of criminal offending, they are not associated with recidivism []. As a result, longer term and more complex needs such as dealing with stress and mental health might be better dealt with after basic, practical needs are addressed first. These centres will involve workers from multiple agencies providing assistance with addiction, mental health, housing, debt, education and employment for women who offend [].

Given the lack of control groups involved in the evaluation it will not be possible to evaluate the direct effects of CJCs in reducing reoffending. However, the evaluation will consider to what extend CJCs have been able to undertake activities found to support desistance from crime. The evaluation is yet to report its results. Young people who offend require holistic interventions. The international research literature shows that the through-care strategies with the most favourable results in relation to reoffending rates are 'holistic'; that is, focused on the whole range of an individuals' needs and integrated with support in the prison and in the community. This support is necessary not only in the early weeks of readjustment on release but also in the long term.

In terms of the reintegration of young people who had offended, early intervention with those starting to offend and reducing reoffending through community programmes the following types of programmes had success or were found to be 'promising':. In addition to these promising strategies as discussed by Fraser et al. These were interpersonal skills training, individual structured counselling and behavioural programmes. The review found that these interventions reduced re-offending by about 40 percent []. A recent meta-analysis also found that aftercare has proven to be effective in reducing reoffending in young people, but the study authors reinforce that its effectiveness varies by the type of aftercare received, the quality of implementation and the age and assessed risk level of the participant [].

A final holistic intervention which may help to reduce offending in young people is problem-solving courts. These courts involve workers from social and healthcare services as well as legal professionals to help provide support for young. A systematic review found that evidence for their effectiveness is mixed, with some studies showed positive effects and others showing few benefits compared to controls. Many evaluation studies displayed methodological problems, such as small samples and lack of appropriate comparison groups. As such more research is required into their effectiveness, including qualitative research to understand why specific outcomes were observed [].

Interventions that are appropriately matched to the offenders' level of motivation are more likely to be effective in reducing reoffending. It is a consistent finding in the desistance literature that only those offenders who are sufficiently motivated to change and are optimistic about the future will manage to desist from offending. Therefore, interventions are more likely to be successful if they target motivational factors and provide a sense of hope [].

Research suggests that only a minority of offenders are prepared for change at the start of an intervention [] , and so in most cases some motivational work would be required to increase participation and retention in services. Motivation should, therefore, be seen not simply as a selection criterion but a treatment need. Especially for those at the start of the journey towards desistance, providing a sense of hope for the future can help promote and sustain their motivation to change.

Offenders who are contemplating change need to believe that an alternative future is possible and, therefore, it is worth changing to accomplish future goals []. However research from America suggests that, whilst motivation to change may be a necessary condition of reducing reoffending, it may not be sufficient in itself to reduce reoffending if it is not coupled with tangible resources to support change []. Similarly, the Sheffield Pathways out of Crime study found that despite wanting to desist, many members of the study still re-offended []. This was attributed in part to a lack of financial resources and leisure opportunities. Strategies to increase motivation to change include setting realistic goals appropriately matched to the offenders' stage of readiness to change, reinforcing positive behaviours on a one-to-one basis and within a group and building helping relationships e.

It is also important that professionals help offenders recognise the positive changes that desistance from offending can bring to themselves and their environment. Offenders will be motivated to change only when the pros of changing outweigh the cons and change is more likely to be sustained if it is chosen freely rather than imposed []. There is some evidence that motivational interviewing can help offenders recognise their problems as well as initiate and sustain motivation to change throughout treatment [].

Focusing on offenders' personal strengths rather than over-emphasising risks is advocated in the literature as an effective way to increase motivation []. This strengths-based approach to treatment forms the basis of the Good Lives Model GLM which has been used with some success with sex offenders []. GLM aims to "equip clients with internal and external resources to live a good or better life " []. GLM is based on the idea that all people attempt to attain a number of "primary human goods" []. The configuration of these goods varies between individuals, but they are considered by each individual as "intrinsically beneficial" and represent a person's life values and priorities. Human activity is directed towards obtaining primary goods of:. Secondary or instrumental goods are the methods by which these primary goods are attained.

To achieve these goods all people, including those who offend, have a good life plan whether explicit or implicit. In the GLM offending "results from flaws in an individual's life plan" []. Primary goods can be sought directly via offending, or indirectly, wherein problems in the pursuit of primary goods by socially acceptable means leads to offending. The core of GLM treatment is attempting to achieve primary goods through socially acceptable means. The risk principle can be incorporated by varying the intensity of supervision based on a client's level of risk.

The responsivity principle is incorporated through the targeting of goods that are identified as important by individual clients. It should be noted that this is a somewhat different interpretation of the responsivity principle than in RNR, as this is client directed, rather than treatment being matched to the characteristics of the individual. There is the most divergence between the approaches in their conceptualization and treatment of need. In GLM criminogenic needs are considered "internal or external barriers towards living a good life" []. In GLM non-criminogenic needs - that is, needs which are not correlated with reoffending - are considered important for "client engagement". Factors not directly related to recidivism any of the areas outlined above which do not fit in with the central eight, such as inner peace, creativity or spirituality may still be important parts of living a good life, and addressing these issues can help clients to stay engaged with treatment programmes.

In contrast, the RNR approach considers these factors either as being a waste of resources [] or as being outside the responsibility of the CJS and best served by other agencies []. The value of the GLM has been much debated by those who contend that only criminogenic needs should be addressed in offender treatment, as in the RNR approach. However, others have contended that in practice the two approaches are very similar []. As such, further research is required into integrating the two perspectives, especially focusing on offenders' adoption of a 'reformed' identity' [].

Interventions that help offenders develop prosocial social networks have significantly higher chances of success in reducing reoffending. Desistance studies have found that rebuilding ties with family, friends and the wider community and developing new prosocial relationships through work or marriage are important aspects of desisting from crime []. Furthermore, research suggests that offenders who feel a welcomed part of society are less likely to reoffend compared to those who feel stigmatised []. It is therefore important that criminal justice professionals work not only with offenders but also with their families, friends and the wider community e.

This is particularly true for offenders who have spent long periods of time in prison and may not have access to an active network of contacts. Interviews with women offenders raise the importance of successful reintegration and indicate that rehabilitation will depend on the active support provided by family and close friends. Positive support is likely to have a significant impact on their desistance from crime after release from custody []. Family-based interventions encompass programmes that focus on improving parenting skills and relationships within the family.

Parenting interventions have traditionally been used to prevent the onset and continuation of offending among juvenile offenders, as there is evidence that poor parenting skills are associated with an increased risk of offending among young people []. Systematic reviews of parenting programmes have consistently found small but statistically significant effects on juvenile recidivism. The most effective programmes are reported to be multi-systemic therapy which involves work with the young person, his or her family and school staff, school-based child and parent training programmes, parent training plus day-care provision and home visiting [].

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