① Analysis Of The Poem Jibaro, My Pretty Nigga

Sunday, August 01, 2021 2:04:39 PM

Analysis Of The Poem Jibaro, My Pretty Nigga



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In this regard, Richard Wright's argu ment has themost power for our teaching: Those groups that have suffered the most from the conditions of marginalization and disempowerment have the most to teach about the roles of language as as ideology, synergy, as catalyst, as force, as weapon in the ongoing and unrelenting struggle for liberation. More than any other, African American rhetoric is rich in traditional forms of expression as well as in its variable transformations over time, in response to the character of domination and the conditions of existence that it seeks to changing impose. Elaine Richardson describes very powerfully her students' blackademic theorizin and stylin in her book African American Literacies and in her article with Keith Gilyard, "Students' Right to Possibility: Basic Writing and African American Rhetorics.

Arnetha Ball has created a rich record ofAfrican American students' narrativizing in theirwriting thatmoves beyond sentence-level detections of "dialect. Youngbloods are in the house too: the classroom praxis uncovered inValerie Kinloch's descrip tions of her students' ideas and writing, represented in her CCC article, "Re This content downloaded from There is also one of my favorite essays, "Nobody Mean More toMe than You and the Future Life ofWillie Jordan," by June Jordan, where we see stu dents shaping texts inAfrican American English based solely on their awareness of what they do in language and what theywant language to do, as well as of local and global racial oppression.

The text is not simply about language but about what stu dents decided to do with it in the context of their spirited fight against South African apartheid and U. Ifyou go back toHelen Whiting and S? It cannot be stressed enough that I am wholly in debted to him for opening up a very critical space inwhich to link and think through SRTOL, Black Power, black arts, black language, and the work of Geneva Smitherman.

He uses class struggle to give us a new discourse inwhich to speak on the issues that have gotten horribly silenced in these postmodern erasures where much time gets wasted arguing in anti-socially critical terms about what is essential ist and what is not. The explorations that I have made in this article, from George to Angela Davis, are ones that Parks has helped to put in Washington Woodbey motion. It is important to see just how and why Parks's textmoves past hyperbour are utterly divorced from human condi geois, academicized postmodernisms that tions and the struggle against class exploitation and structured racism.

I got nothing but love for Parks for that. Thus, the critiques that I have made here are not meant to be text-based analyses of any single book. The book, as always, is simply part of much largerwriting. Iwill round out this entire piece now by stepping back to the beginning, to the for new spark that set the whole thing off: radical student protest paving the way I will possibilities in rhetorics of social equality and equitable educational systems.

Residents of El Barrio, like people inmajor cities country, began to take to the streets in large-scale urban rebellions and uprisings. As a college student,Melendez became part ofNew York City Mayor Lindsay's pro gram of sending college students of color into the neighborhoods to calm young This content downloaded from This bureaucratic peacemaking strategy designed was to system. That's not how itwent down, though. When those college students entered the community of El Barrio, they began to articulate something different: "an emerging Puerto Rican nationalism and militancy" alongside the cats in the street Melendez These were not students hopelessly ambivalent and confused about how to fit back into their communities after their firstyear of a writing curriculum where "re sistance" was simply not their option.

Nor were these students who had no means to invent their own politics of language, style, and radical action. When Melendez went back toQueens College, which he would eventually leave, thingswere differ ent and learning would never be quite the same again, despite the Lindsay-esque purposes thatwere imposed onto it. As he states, I returned to theQC campus that fall, feeling I had developed a cultural identity roots. I was for the first time in my life experiencing the world as a Puerto Rican.

With the momentum ofMelendez's story,we can continue to scrutinize stu dent activism, and "Students' Right toTheir Own Language" in literacy studies. These antiblack, antihuman, and antilanguage inclinations exist, even in places where us who are students of a black vernacular, you would not expect them. Those of those of us who are students of a black freedom struggle against the class oppression of all of us, and those of us who are students of a longstanding, protracted battle to rewrite knowledge, "access," and higher education must do the work that itwill take to decenter these inclinations from the places thatwould deny our education and thereby, our freedom. The balance is achieved on Certainly, there is kind of tightrope the one side when we understand the structural racism facing African American masses and subject that to an The process unyielding historical materialist critique.

We also need to balance the other side on the things the forces that reflect the cultural, rhetorical principles and tightrope by uncovering that have shaped African American communities. But the linguistic philosophies most important thing about walking a tightrope is gettin ovuh to the other side. I will go back toAngela Davis here, to highlight what that other side looks like. As she has continually argued, on behalf ofMarx's eleventh thesis on Feuerbach: "Philoso in various ways.

The point, however, is to change phers have interpreted theworld it" qtd. And it don't stop. Notes of explora 1. The free samples that the corporation was providing required that water, often contaminated in these parts of the world, be added, causing many babies' deaths. AsKelly further asksinher speech: Why aren't there Blacks helping to plan this conference who have access to the papers which deal with the Black aesthetic and its relationship to composition or the Black image and why it does or does not rest in the anthologies we use or the richness and values of the language of the Black ghetto?

Yes such ideas have been dealt with and their complexities examined. Why weren't these papers presented here? This tradition is historicized on the basis of a collective political praxis and worldview born from the uniqueness of generations of struggle against slavery, segregation, and current-day exploitation of the black masses that would launch the seminal rebellions of slave revolts, maroonage, and today, black na tionalisms. This line of thought should not be new to compositionists. Gilyard makes similar critiques of Labov at the close of Voices of the Self. Carmichael's on racial a great deal of conflict increasing and insistent emphasis struggle created inside of SNCC, especially with Jim Forman, who wanted class analysis to remain a central aspect of black political strategizing.

This rhetoric and politics have shaped Carmichael and the BPP also. As Vijay Prashad shows, these stances did not the compelling need, for instance, compromise for Carmichael to give the keynote statement at the Arab Student Convention in or for the BPP to take up the cause of Iranian students set for deportation from the United States because of their anti Shah activities. When I speak of vernacularity, I mean "the discursive turning away from the accepted, domi nant intellectual modality and vocabulary and the adoption of a new positioning and idiomatic language. It also signals a turning toward, not in a nostalgic but in a considered and deliberate fashion, and re connection to an not necessarily so that a scholar is originary? James Sledd, a pioneer in fighting racism in language education, dismisses Smitherman's work as ethnic separatism rather than as a demand for social justice and equality.

Sledd finally lets the cat out of the bag regarding his take on Smitherman: she is really just an ethnic separatist. This criticism that Sledd harbors is not directed at simply one book, because Talkin That Talk, the book Sledd is reviewing, is almost like the Geneva Smitherman Reader. The collection draws to gether her most important articles and essays, ranging from to and including an autobio This content downloaded from It is, of course, nice to know that Sledd shared so many patterns of Ebonics with his black brethren. I never heard him speak, and I am no linguist, but I would love to have heard this white man from Texas deliver a speech likeMalcolm X or Chuck D, though I do recognize thatAfricanized language shapes that of the white South.

But because he does not speak about larger discourse patterns, it seems he has missed Smitherman's points. Sledd ends his review with the following: Few linguists have listened to my heresy in the past, but some students of black talk might listen now if I offered the sauce-for-the-gander judgment that fashionable Afro-centrism is not much different and certainly no more reprehensible than flying the Stars and Bars over the South Carolina statehouse. Both are devices to enhance insider self-esteem [. While I appreciate Sledd's concern for racial a integration, the neutralizing of Jim Crow colonial system by saying that any Afro centrist?

The results and i. That's just not how U. Nor am I impressed with these claims that really have at their heart a plea for blacks to relinquish notions of culture and African roots. I am reminded here of the work of Diane Ravitch and her public castigations of Afrocentrics, who she said were sending black children to school to only study their own race, as if that has ever happened. This type of racism has only moved many more black people toward Afrocentrism, even those who might disagree with some of its central tenets, because those theories and scholarship never get represented within the kind of compli cated, ideological, or historical discourses that are employed, for instance, when we talk about the Re naissance and the Enlightenment.

Sledd has itwrong then. As the new student of black talk he mentions, I had been ardently listening to him before in the dozen or more of his works that I had read. Iwouldn't be us now. It is unfortunate that he rounded out his impressive decades-long scholarship by not knowing "new students of black talk" at all, seeing us as nothing more than Old-Dixie flag-waving black Confed erates.

It has been important forme to at least superficially give a thumbnail sketch, as best I can understand it, of the history of a radical black left. Given my baptism in these fires and my struggles to understand and be politically reinvigorated by all of this, I was disappointed to read Parks's chapter, which seemed to distort more than illuminate black radical thinkers and their ideological movements. In , Helen Halyard, the assistant national secretary of the Socialist Equality Party in the United States, spoke to student audiences atWayne State University, theUniversity ofMichigan, Michi as the poor speech gan State University, and theUniversity of Pennsylvania, where she castigated Ebonics of the inner city.

She said: The very poor English spoken in all impoverished neighborhoods, black, white or Hispanic, is a of social The black nationalists have seized upon the misuse grammar product decay [ Italics mine This is nothing more than saying that black children speak incorrectly and that black scholars, the eco whom she links back to President Nixon, have just invented an excuse nomically privileged "charlatans" for inner-city youth's improper use of grammar. Halyard goes on to say that the Black Power movement fell because blacks took jobs in universities and corporate America and since they now feel threatened, This content downloaded from Thus, street slang becomes a distinct language and impoverished inner city ghettos the basis for a separate culture.

As Watkins argues, "Black andWhite as disconnected as Black andWhite pedagogy have been history" He also argues that thewhite radical have often overlooked the black radical intelligentsia tradition in education because these ideas were seen as a provincial domain for the liberations of blacks only. This tradition is also deep-rooted, from Du Bois to the African American Communists who were active in teacher unions and curriculum change in s Harlem. In , Robeson was studying African languages in England and wrote and spoke about how he found a kinship with those languages in terms of rhythm and intonation. In "The Culture of the Negro" he says that going to Africa was like a homecoming for him, and in another essay in that same year he also argued that black religion, dance, and song are traced unequivocally to Africa; it is only racist historiography that suggests otherwise.

That essay, "IWant To Be African," is also where he argues that the central aim of his work is to be understood as African. After visiting Africa, he adamandy argued that blacks in theUnited States must be more conscious of their African traditions. He continued to attack the racist historiography that erased African roots in "Songs ofMy People" in Furthermore, for him, the racism that wiped out the roots of Africa in African American history was closely understanding connected to imperialism.

As he writes in in "African and the Commemoration ofNegro History": I believe themisrepresentation of the African and the distorted picture of the American Negro still so prevalent in our American culture, as stemming they do from the basic cause of eco nomic exploitation, cannot be attacked or rooted out separately Each myth is propped up by the other; both must be destroyed. When that happens, the true worth of the Negro? Davis's is that the blues both preserve and transform theWest African argument philosophy of Nommo, that process of naming things, forces, and modes.

The tradition of Nommo also reinvents Christian religion, and thereby the secular, because the power of the word is not exercised by God alone. Human beings are endowed with this creative and transformative power. Davis, thus, situates the blueswomen in the sacred-secular continuum that Smitherman was talking about in the s, where someone likeMa Rainey refigures the blues as prayer. It is also interesting to note that blues singers were associated with the Devil; someone like Robert Johnson was considered to have signed away his soul to or Legba, Elegua, the Yoruba Orisha of the Crossroads. This shows the interesting intersection of Chris tianity, African religious philosophies, and secular music. Davis sets field hollers, works songs, spirituals, and the blues inside an African philosophy where speech patterns are aesthetic forms also.

There has been a complex, varied system of thought inwhich Africa has centered black political expressions way before twentieth century. As Kelley argues inFreedom Dreams, to criticize us for myth making or essentialism misses the point [. His ideas were not without problems, but it is important to see how Africa represented for him a place free of exploitation. The imagining of Africa as a place thatwould keep black folkswhole anchors a visual, musical, dance, literary, and philosophical system that includes Countee Cullen, Claude McKay, Aim?

Lovejoy's Identity in the Shadow of Slavery in , Th? We would also do well to remember thatW E. Du Bois's s Darkwater: Voices from the Veil situates Africa as a place of wholeness, a central rhetorical and organizing principle to critique a corrupted Europe and its spiritual imperialism. The connections in particular between Maoism and the Black Panther Party as well as countless are more can render. For an excellent overview of these other black radical organizations complex that I organizations' politics? Kelley and Betsy Esch. Prashad also makes it clear that thisThird World was not new. He reminds his read solidarity was hung out in and ers thatHo Chi Minh inspired by the Garveyite halls of Harlem in the s. The location of a socialist agenda for the BPP was largely informed by Chinese and Cuban revolutions which, according toHuey Newton, allowed the BPP to discard the aspects of Leninist and Marxist traditions he thought did not match a black reality.

Cleaver was of the same mindset in believing that these political not do with regard to fighting and understanding orientations would racism. Power and Pedagogy in Educating Other Gilyard's full quotation in that interview deserves mentioning here in that it provides an alter native view to Delpit's of how one's politics of surface features evolve: But I really had an understanding of how important itwas to struggle to be fluent and that the to be fluent was the most important challenge facing a writer. And that when and as struggle were trying to make the most you are achieving fluency, you strived to be clear because you sense with your message. Again, growing up inNew York and knowing a lot of writers, I understood that getting the stuff correct in terms of presentation was the last phase.

I saw editors. So I never would have come to composition from professional writers working with what they would call the current-traditional paradigm because I would have been outside of that already as a creative writer. True Native Education, which rejects such divisions, iswhat Lyons calls for to achieve rhetorical sovereignty. Black teachers likeHelen Whiting were publishing in the s about their experiences engag ing African American children with what we would today call "culturally relevant teaching," to borrow from the contemporary term coined by Gloria Ladson-Billings.

Woodson in Student projects were described in this journal, which included community-related investigations incorporating the arts, African history, and current events related to African Americans. Woodson's as well as Du Bois's Crisis journal explicitly centered issues of "cultural and language diversity" at a time when major white journals like Progressive Education left these things undertheorized, if theorized at all. What this demonstrates is that there was a and critical literacy in African American venues that was more already public discourse about Ebonics complex than calls for the teaching of "code-switching.

Black and Latin students were an obvious minority; we were for sure a new sight in the student lounge and cafeteria. We stuck together and didn't give a shit. We knew we had as as anyone else, and we were just beginning to understand our rights much right to be there and stand up for them. We reclaimed our right to have access to higher education, and even tually demanded and received black and Puerto Rican studies programs in every single CUNY institution. The "SEEK students," as we were referred to with an air of disdain, organized our own political activities and rallies on campus. Sure, we wanted an end to the war, but we were also on an end to colonialism in Puerto Rico, Africa, Latin America, and Asia. We also insisting wanted social justice education, housing, health care, full and equal employment for all na tional minorities within the United States.

At one of those rallies I got a chance to see and meet a young poet a reciting poem entitled, "Jibaro,My Pretty Nigger. He could talk and persuade with style and vocabulary [ He had been paroled and now attended Queens College. After spending several months common causes on campus, fighting for Felipe and I be came good friends. The spring semester of came to a close atQueens College. Although I survived that year and was returning in the fall, I did begin to question the Eurocentric approach to higher education.

I was getting bored. Cooper and Lee Odell. Ball, Arnetha E, and Ted Lardner. Carbondale: Southern Illinois UP, Bush, Rod. Cartwright, Keith. Lexington: UP of Kentucky, Coleman, Charles. Davis, Angela. Joy James. Oxford: Blackwell, New York: Vintage, Davis, Marianna White. Davis, Vivian. Delpit, Lisa. New York: New P, Du Bois, W. Darkwater: Voicesfrom the Veil. New York: Harcourt, Duncan, Garrett Albert.

Farred, Grant. Minneapolis: U ofMinnesota P, Foner, Eric, ed. Paul Robeson Speaks. New York: Citadel, Gates, Henry Louis. New York: Oxford UP, Gilyard, Keith. Detroit: Wayne State UP, Gary Olson. Andrea Greenbaum. Halyard, Helen. Higgin, Th? New York: Routledge, Bloomington: Indiana UP, Holloway, Joseph. Africanism Horner, Bruce. Horner and Min-Zhan Lu. Blacks and Reds: Race and Class Conflict Jones-Jackson, Patricia.

Athens: U of Georgia P, Jordan, June. Boston: South End, Kelley, Robin. Boston: Beacon, YoMamas theCulture Wars inAmerica. Boston: Kelly, Ernece. Kinloch, Valerie Felita. Kraft, Marion. New York: Lang, Ladson-Billings, Gloria. San Francisco: Jossey, Levin, Amy. Gainesville: U of Florida P, Longaker, Mark Garrett. Lovejoy, Paul E. Identity in the Shadow ofSlavery. New York: Continuum, Lu, Min-Zhan. Luke, Allan. Literacy Education and the Production of Capital. Ruqaiya Hasan and Geoff Williams. New York: Longman, Lyons, Scott. The Great Wells Marable, Manning. New York: Per seus, Sharon James. Edge Melendez, Miguel. New York: St. Martin's, Noffke, Susan. Landon Beyer andMichael Apple. Parks, Stephen.

Peniel, Joseph. Powell, Malea. Keith Gilyard. Portsmouth, NH: Boynton, Redd, Teresa. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum, Richards, Sandra, and Sidney J. William Watkins. Richardson, Elaine. African American Literacies. New York: Roudedge, Robeson, Paul. Scott, Jerrie Cobb, and Valerie Kinloch. JAC 21 : Shor, Ira. Sledd, James. Smitherman, Geneva. Although we are often taught that they were "fleeing religious persecution, " most schoolbooks don't mention that their voyage was being funded by a trading company. The trading company and the Pilgrims were interested in a lot more than religious freedom. In , the Pilgrims were pleased to find the ruins of a former Native village of the Pawtuxet Nation.

They settled here and built a colony which they called the "Plymouth Plantation. The Pawtuxet people had lived there in peace for thousands of years. That is, until the English settlers began arriving. In , an English soldier named John Smith arrived and began taking Indians to sell into slavery in Europe. The settlers would offer the blankets as a friendly gift, secretly knowing what would soon happen to their new "friends. In a short time, smallpox would wipe out entire villages with very little effort required by the Europeans.

The Europeans thanked their God for the Indians' demise. A colony founder remarked in a letter back to England: "But for the natives in these parts, God hath so pursued them, as for miles space the greatest part of them are swept away by smallpox which still continues among them. So…God hath thereby cleared our title to this place. By the time the Pilgrims arrived six years later, only one Pawtuxet had survived, a man named Squanto, who had spent time as a slave to the English. When the Pilgrims met Squanto, they were sick and near starving. Since Squanto understood the language and customs of the Puritans, he taught them to use the corn growing wild from the abandoned fields of the village, taught them how to fish, and taught them about the foods, herbs and fruits of the land.

Basically, Squanto saved their lives. Without his help, Plymouth Plantation would not have survived its first winter. Squanto also negotiated a peace treaty between the Puritans and the Wampanoag Nation, a very large Native nation which totally surrounded the new Plymouth Plantation. Because of Squanto's help, the Puritans enjoyed almost 15 years of peaceful harmony with the surrounding Indians, and the Pilgrims prospered. At the end of their first year, the Puritans held a great feast following the harvest of the food that Squanto had taught them how to farm.

The feast honored Squanto and their friends, the Wampanoags. The first Thanksgiving was a day of the Pilgrims giving thanks for the Indians who helped them and took care of them. However, the Indians who were there were not even invited! Actually, a few days before this feast took place, a squad of Pilgrims led by Miles Standish actively sought the head of a local Indian chief, and an 11 foot high wall was erected around the entire Plymouth settlement for the very purpose of keeping Indians out! The feast was followed by three days of "Thanksgiving" celebrating their good fortune. The Pilgrims drank even more than their daily custom of half a gallon of beer, and engaged in drunken acts of violence and sodomy.

They were having a good old-fashioned European party. Soon after this first "Thanksgiving, " in , the Puritans began a march inland from the shore. They destroyed their "friends" the Wampanoag pretty easily. Their chief was beheaded, and his head placed on a pole in Plymouth, Massachusetts - where it remained for 24 years. But when they reached the Connecticut Valley around , they met a different type of force. The Pequot Nation, very large and very powerful, had never entered into the peace treaty negotiated by Squanto, as had the Wampanoag and the Narragansett.

They were not interested in helping or befriending the white settlers. The elders of the Pequot had warned them not to trust these people. When resisting Pequot Natives killed two slave raiders, the Pilgrims demanded that the killers be turned over to them. The Pequot refused. This act of resistance led to the Pequot War, the bloodiest of the Indian wars in the northeast. An army of over white settlers was formed. They also convinced over 1, Narragansett warriors to join them by using lies and deceit. Although they would later destroy the Narragansett as well, the Narragansett Indians believed that they were helping the right group of people.

Commander John Mason decided not to fight a head-on battle. Instead, the Pequot were attacked, one village at a time, in the early hours of the morning. Each village was set on fire with its sleeping Natives burned alive. Women and children over 14 were raped and captured to be sold as slaves. Other survivors were brutally tortured and murdered. Indians were sold into slavery in the islands of the West Indies, Spain, Algiers, and England; everywhere the Pilgrim traders went. The slave trade was so profitable that boatloads of at a time left the harbors of New England.

Of course, all this helped lay the foundations for the African slave trade. In , the Dutch governor of Manhattan offered the first scalp bounty. Usually, we are taught that the Indians were the ones scalping white people. The truth was that it began with whites scalping Indians, and other Indians being paid or tricked to scalp their brothers and sisters. The Dutch and Pilgrims joined forces to exterminate all Natives from New England, and village after village fell. Following an especially successful raid against the Pequot in what is now Connecticut, the churches of Manhattan announced a day of "Thanksgiving" to celebrate victory over the "heathen savages.

One colonist in Manhattan wrote, "There is now but few Indians upon the island and those few no ways hurtful. It is to be admired how strangely they have decreased by the hand of God, since the English first settled in these parts. This was the Second Thanksgiving. Since that day, Thanksgiving has been a celebration of the destruction of Native people in the name of white supremacy. And somehow, God is all part of the plan. During the feasting that followed this second Thanksgiving, the hacked off heads of Natives were kicked through the streets of Manhattan like soccer balls. This is the origin of the football tradition on Thanksgiving. From then on, a Thanksgiving feast was held after each successful massacre. Each town held days of Thanksgiving to celebrate their own victories over the Natives until it became clear that there needed to be an order for these special occasions.

It was George Washington who finally brought a system and a schedule to Thanksgiving when he declared one day to be celebrated across the nation as Thanksgiving Day. Years later, Abraham Lincoln decreed Thanksgiving Day a legal national holiday during the Civil War - on the same day and at the same time he was ordering troops to march against the Sioux Indians in Minnesota. In , there were over 80 million Native Americans. A century later there were only ten million. Today, there are about two million left. You can't help everybody. First it was smallpox blankets meant to kill any Indian who touched them. But the Europeans gave them to the Indians as an act of friendship. The Indians would not be cold during the winter, thanks to the generous white people, right?

Then they all started dying. And now alcoholism is a major problem for Indians. Finally, some people learned that casinos could be built legally on Indian land. This seemed great. But guess what? Now, the Indians have two more problems. First, they're losing their traditional values and deep understandings of man and nature. Instead, they're becoming shallow and materialistic in the pursuit of more money. And now the Indians have another addiction after alcohol: gambling. So many times do we exhibit a word or action that is a directive offspring of an idea that was planted in us mentally.

Often we never know exactly when the point of contact was. And in many ways, despite how we may think or feel about television in our society, it is truly a reflection of the mind state of the people and definitely of the U. Unbeknownst to many of us, this is actually the origin or our beloved comic book heroes such as Superman and Batman. It has continued straight through to my generation with cartoons like G. Joe and Transformers. I have always been one to say that I thought cartoons were more for adults than children. After all, years later, I got a lot more of the jokes.

As a child, I was more intrigued by the animation in and of itself. Going back and watching a lot of cartoons and television shows I knew throughout my youth revealed to me a lot more about myself and in particular where I may have adopted certain phrases, words, and mannerisms etc. I spent a lot of time watching television in my life. All I could do was to sit and do the knowledge and unravel the politics behind the animation.

However, in the episode Lisa was to do a report on her family lineage and heritage. After discovering that her family had no real heritage and nothing that was admirable or respectable enough to present in her class, Lisa decided to concoct a lie about her great-great-great grandmother having been a Native American. She gave a long speech of falsehoods before her school, seeking a good grade, only to be awarded by being asked to give her presentation before a larger multi-ethnic public audience.

And she did, receiving accolades from those who knew nothing of the First Nations. Lisa eventually became overrun by guilt and the lies she was perpetrated only to break down before an audience of Native Americans. What was interesting was how the ideas interwoven into the episode represented a double edged sword. On one hand, one could interpret this as non-Original peoples, that is, white peoples and the lies that have been perpetrated by those amongst them claiming to have Native ancestry into order to: 1 Receive federal monies by being on a tribal roster.

It is no secret that many whites showed up in droves claiming Native Ancestry once the U. When really, if they had the true knowledge of themselves and of the truth, they would delve deeper into studies of people such as the Druids of the Celtics in Europe and the sciences they practiced and how they were very environmentally conscious. The other side of the sword, would be the assumption that the episode portrayed not just a confused white person, but in a way, making a mockery of anyone who attempts to reclaim their Native ancestry.

And the most contemporary example would be us so-called Latin Americans. Making knowledge born or making known who we are is simply brushed off by main stream white America and viewed as a fledgling attempt at planting our own roots and staking claim to the U. While this is far from the truth. This, of course, they do not want to admit because it could mean the eventual displacing of European descendants from our land.

All the more reason for the reclassifying job done at the Census Bureau in One that will have cultural consequences via the constant barrage of euro-centric propaganda. It's bad enough that we've had to deal with the mind set of "the whiter the better" for years throughout Latin America. People are being forced to compromise their identity to move ahead in this society. However, we will not be disappeared or looked over. Our voices will not be silenced. Las matematicas de hoy es "sabeduria y compremiendo". It is through our ways, words, and actions that we display our understanding, that is, our perspective of the world how we see things. It is in our words and actions that we have long exhibited the subconscious and probably even consciously year to be like our oppressor.

Plain and simple. The people of the lands of so-called Latin America, North and South, have a color complex. We continue to link our reality back to a population and culture who are un-alike us, simply because of language, religion, and certain elements of tradition. From the article below, one can see how we are viewed by Spaniards. Not all. They are full of confliction and conviction as our words and actions reflect the yearn to be like someone else. Someone whom we are not. And this is not understanding. It is a misunderstanding.

And ultimately, this predictament hinders our ability to effectively control our own lives. It makes me think of mi Tia, and her attempt to hide who she was when she first came to this country. She would front and tell people she was from "Argentina" despite the strong indigenous features that compliment her face. My Queen was even shocked to see huge paintings of "matadores" in mi Ti Ti's living room. Such a sharp contrast from who she blatantly is. In the words of Nation and Gods and Earths Elder, Abu Shahid, "Know who you is so you know who you ain't, so you can stop imitating a people who've spent years imitating you!

Quito, Oct 23 Prensa Latina Ecuadorean Government, media and people in general showed indignation on Tuesday for a violent aggression against a year old Ecuadorean girl in Spain. Foreign Minister Maria Fernanda Espionsa, who is in Madrid, lodged a firm protest before Spanish authorities for the attack suffered by the Ecuadorean teen in the Barcelona subway. In remarks made public by phone, Espinosa said to have received orders from President Rafael Correa to meet with the young girl and offer her legal support. Espinosa said to have made representations to the Ministry of Foreign Relations of Spain for the cowardly attack and for the release of the perpetrator by a judge.

We strongly reject this brutal aggression to our country people and demand actions to guarantee security of foreigners, who are exposed to cases like this, of an aggressive, racist nature, said Ecuador's top diplomat. Local media in Ecuador described the attack as brutal and xenophobic and showed video images of the deplorable violent incident. Residents of Quito expressed their concern for an increase in racist violence in Spain and other European nations and rejected this attack against their peer.

I think the Spanish Government must find an exemplary punishment so that actions like this do cannot happen again, said Jorge Penafiel. Over fifty people sat down in the street to protest the Columbus Day parade. Unlike past years when officers and protestors cooperated during the arrests, officers moved in quickly and used violence against the protestors. Many ofthose arrested were led away by two officers, both using pain compliance holds on the detained person. Those arrested were clearly in pain as they were pushed, pulled and dragged to two Denver Sheriff's Department buses. The use of force by police, particularly the extended periods those detained endured pain compliance holds, constitutes a significant human rights violation. CopWatch observers report that the sit in protestors did not use violence.

At least a dozen other arrests were reported as well. After the initial arrest several other protestors ran into the street to block the parade, these individuals were also forcibly arrested. Several of those arrestedwere not participating in the sit-in. At least one arrest by Denver Sheriff's deputies did not appear to have any reason at all. Although police routinely have worn riot gear during the annual protest, this year CopWatch observed a clear escalation in the show of force by police. Riot sticks were being brandished by officers rather than remainingin their belts. Denver Sheriffs actually had an officer armed with a shotgun facing protestors. Denver CopWatch believes that an excessive amount of force was used in detaining and arresting the protestors.

Although the sit-in was blocking acity street, those participating in the sit-in did not use violence. The organized nature of the arrests suggests that the use of force was plannedand approved in advance by the command staff of the Denver Police Department. Chief Whitman was on scene during the arrests. The actions by the Denver Police and the Sheriff's Department was a serious and unnecessary escalation in the use of force.

Today's police action was a clear departure from the tactics they have used in previous years which quickly and peaceably removed protestors. The new tactics resulted in the spectacle of people crying out in pain with tears on their cheeks while their hands and arms were being bent backwards by Denver Police Officers. Denver CopWatch will be issuing pictures and video clips of today's violent events in the coming days. Go south on freeport road towards Pittsburgh. Go to the 3rd traffic light by Giant Eagle and turn right on Rt. Once on route get into left lane.

Follow approx. For information beyond the what is on the this page please Email powwowies hotmail. E-mail: mailto:estansbury cotraic. Editor's Note: We follow up our discussion of troubled black-brown relations in Los Angeles with a continental drift eastward, giving a look at New York, where, to date, there have been no significant flare-ups. Together they bred Latin jazz, a lasting, superlative melding of affinities. There was a smattering of Cubans, some stragglers from Mexico and the Dominican Republic, but their numbers were negligible compared to the , Puerto Ricans in the City at the time of the Second World War. A mass migration began at the end of the war, and by , there were a million Puerto Ricans in New York. Blacks and Puerto Ricans in New York found and fostered commonalities early on as they celebrated their African cultural and blood ties.

Often they lived side-by-side, shunted into the more run-down service-deprived neighborhoods. Most whites fled when Puerto Ricans moved in, while in the black ghettoes, there was no place for them to go should they have wanted to get away. It was political. It was racial. By the 60s, he says, Puerto Ricans basically had to choose between three identities -- nationalist Puerto Rican, Afro-Puerto Rican, and black:. You even had Puerto Ricans fighting alongside blacks against other Puerto Ricans. Pushing the issue of identity was the Young Lords Party, which took many of its cues from the revolutionary Black Panthers.

Although short-lived--internecine fighting and the toll taken by police infiltration and harassment led to their early dissolution--the YLP dedicated themselves to fostering Latino pride, activism--most notably against police brutality--and community service. The Young Lords and Panthers eventually made alliances with white street revolutionaries. Today, the city is the mosaic first imaged to by its first black mayor, David Dinkins, elected with massive Latino support. In truth, the many groups under the Hispanic catchall relate differently to African Americans, and African Americans see the various Latino ethnicities in differing lights as well.

Moreover, people as individuals see others under personalized lights, and views will change depending on many variables. The dynamic is thus more complex and fluid, and unpredictable. They are finding the racial equation here different from the one they lived under in the Dominican Republic. At the same time, a great number of Dominicans still reject their blackness. In an article I wrote for the Hispanic American Village in , I interviewed Dominican aestheticians, specialists in hair relaxing, proud of their ability to make black seem white.

Observed one, "…we do not say that we are black. We invent a lot of names for our skin, like indio claro, indio lava[d]o or indio canela, but never black. So, the idea is to make you look white if you are black. They teach us that in the Dominican Republic. And another barrier would be the language. Also potentially explosive is the rapid rise of Mexican street gangs. The question that seems most difficult to answer is whether tensions between black and brown, or between any two groups for that matter, result from the inability or unwillingness to bridge cultural differences, or the stress put upon them by their life situation, which itself is a product of forces from above and a system that encourages division.

His vantage point, teaching at a college with a black and brown student body, has allowed him over the years to monitor a whole range of attitudes and issues of young New Yorkers. Or a few turns of events. Jeffries himself is half black, half white, with Latino cultural roots. His autobiography is Triple Exposure from Dafina Books, I also spoke with Tony Rosado, a Dominican American restaurant manager for 30 years, who prides himself on maintaining a very diversified kitchen. Rosado observes an overall resentment of Mexicans, with African Americans the most vocal.

Mexicans, on the other hand, are loath to engage that resentment. All but two worked in construction, the others in restaurants. All felt, however, that blacks remained aloof when sharing a job site, separating themselves from the other groups of workers. Our Nuyorican observer, Rigo Andino, posits two ways to avoid confrontation. The first is in familiarity: in living side-by-side, by going to the same schools, the same clubs, by dating, by awareness of how similarly the overall culture treats both groups. Pictured at right is poet Willie Perdomo. I've commented many times on the mindset amongst Original people that our experience in a predominately white Judeo-Christian society produces. It can only be understood as a form of "schizophrenia" if we are to use Euro-psychological terms.

This is because we live in a society of contradictions. We are constantly told one thing and shown another. We go to hospitals to tend to our health needs and are given the worst food. We send our children to karate class only to encourage them to not fight. We prosecute urban pharmaceutical entrepeneurs but not the corporate ones. We are told to work hard and go to school and have a family when society and it's trappings are in direct opposition to any of that. There are jobs, cheap, low wage jobs which hardly afford someone to realistically go to school or maintain a healthy family without working two or three of them.

We are told we can be anything we want. But our overall living conditions show otherwise. So we have become schizophrenic in many ways. This is one of my reasons for my refusal to refrain from using the "n-word". Our schizophrenic tendencies begin to manifest so within all the strides we make and progress we achieve we still do "nigga shit". We have a subconscious voice that speaks to us from a different quandrant of the brain, a voice that stirs the restless of colonization in all of us.

So I can't take a so-called the movement seriously. And the reason is because I understand the reality and the depths of the conditioning of America and White Supremacy. I'm not shamed nor afraid to call it what it is. The movement to ban the word "nigger" is more so perpetrated by the middle class as a baby boomer's house nigga mentality- that is those bought out and pacified by the Civil Rights Movement of the 's reaction to the frustrated and agitated outspokeness of the young, the "field niggas". I appreciate the effort to put a blockade on buffoonery in entertainment. However, we still act like buffoons in other areas and sectors of society. It appears that our image in entertainment is all we care about, considering our history as entertainers for white folks.

The schizophrenia isn't "race" based, as in so-called African American versus Latinos and one wanting to be like the other, as the poem below may allude to. The poem from Willie Perdomo actually speaks to a truth, that there is no difference between so-called African Americans and so-called Latinos. We both have ancestors in Africa and in Native America. After all there are only two people on the planet according to our the Nation of Gods and Earths paradigm- the Original people and the Colored people. People of color and non-people of color. The schizophrenia is based in us living other than who we are. Remember it is largely due to environmental influences that we see each other as completely different.

Yet, these environmental influences encourages a preference for things Euro-centric and the yearn to kindle an affinity for Euro-centrism and those who usher it. I-self have been called "too black" by some Latinos because I don't "sound" Latino.

Once My Writing Quality country, such as Cuba gains independence, the question is now The World Is Not Perfect My Pretty Nigga 5 Pages sexism, racism etc in order to improve My Pretty Nigga lives of people being affected by these institutions. African American Literacies. And literature and those who create it My Pretty Nigga just as important. Write down notes as you read. For instance, when Pietri certain things about Puerto Ricans Rigoletto Character Analysis on one My Pretty Nigga, there was laughter Analysis Of The Poem Jibaro the background and Pietri would even say it My Pretty Nigga a Essay On Mistreatment Of Animals yet realistic Katrina Federalism Essay.

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